<p>The whole premise of this school, I think, is that overall, low socio-economic, high minority schools don’t get all the best teachers. The experiment, I think, is that what would it take to recruit the very best teachers to work in such a school. Not one or two teachers that are superior but the entire teaching staff. The school will be successful, because the simple act of making a choice to attend, means those families are a step above their neighbors who didn’t opt to participate. However, it doesn’t mean that the underlying assumptions are incorrect – that the difference in teacher quality isn’t a huge issue.</p>
<p>A very recent study argues that as schools become more and more minority, the quality of the teacher pool declines. The author of the study had a unique opportunity to study this issue when the Charlotte-Mecklenburg system ended bussing. </p>
<p>Here is a summmary of the study… </p>
<p>Student Demographics, Teacher Sorting, and Teacher Quality: Evidence from the End of School Desegregation
C. Kirabo Jackson
Journal of Labor Economics
April 2009</p>
<p>We know that schools with lots of poor kids tend to have less effective teachers while schools with wealthier kids tend to have better ones. What we know less about is why. This study by Cornell economist Kirabo Jackson suggests a disturbing possible explanation. He examined teacher movement patterns in the Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools between 2002 and 2003, which was the year this 137,000-student district ended its 30-year-old busing policy. The result was a naturally-occurring and rare situation where the demographic makeup of schools very quickly converged to that of their surrounding neighborhoods. And it provided Jackson with a unique opportunity to observe teachers’ reactions to changes in student demographics while other school and neighborhood characteristics (as well as teacher demand) stayed the same. The results are disquieting. Schools that had an influx of black students as a result of the policy change also saw a decrease in the number of high-quality teachers–both black and white–as measured by years of experience, value-added scores, and certification scores. For the average school that was 60 percent black (before the policy change), a 15 percent increase in black students (after the change) translated into a .3 standard-deviation decrease in teacher quality. In the end, this study refutes the idea that the relationship between teacher quality and student demographics is merely a product of residential segregation. Rather, teachers sort themselves according to student demographics, with some apparently preferring to teach minority students (perhaps because they think they are better at it) and others not. </p>
<p>And the author’s comments:</p>
<p>The reshuffling of students due to the end of student busing in Charlotte‐Mecklenburg provides a unique opportunity to investigate the relationship between changes in student attributes and changes in teacher quality that are not confounded with changes in school or neighborhood characteristics. Comparisons of ordinary least squares and instrumental variable results suggest that spatial correlation between teachers residences, students residences, and schools could lead to spurious correlation between student attributes and teacher characteristics. Schools that experienced a repatriation of black students experienced a decrease in various measures of teacher quality. I provide evidence that this was primarily due to changes in labor supply.</p>