@Mom2Melcs - what interesting analysis! Could you explain a little more? What are the common threads of the (many) Chicago admits from your prep school? If the Chicago students aren’t the “highest fliers” or “most ambitious” - how would you describe them? What are their motivations and aspirations?
Also, in terms of viability for YLS or Stanford Law, why would the H and Y-bound students be more promising? Do they tend to be the better test takers, and would do better on the LSAT?
And @JBStillFlying I wanted to come back to this central point you made:
“The lesson is clear: in a tough curriculum environment, selectivity matters a lot more than available resources.”
JB, what are your thoughts on this re-framing of your position:
“in a tough curricular environment, cultivating a sense of belonging matters more than bringing in the #2 or #17 best incoming class in the country.”
Let me come back to my thought experiment, where we took the 1990 class and gave them 2020 resources/administration. Let me also be clear, the 1990 cohort was still strong. Per the SAT trends over time link (posted somewhere upthread), it looks like Chicago’s class (avg. SAT of 1335) was similar to Brown, Cornell, UPenn, etc. at the time. Not the rarefied air of being #2 like today, but in the top 15-20 for incoming class strength.
So, if we agree the class was good, how would resources combat the abysmal retention and graduation rates? (In the 90s, I think Chicago had something like a 87% freshmen retention rate, and maybe a 75% 4 yr grad rate.)
Here’s what I contend: that the resources signify something much larger: we care, and want you to belong here.
This means offering a far better residential life experience (with no far-flung, satellite dorms where people feel like commuter students). This means advising and tutoring students. This means encouraging extra-curricular pursuits. This means supporting students in their post-grad plans. This also means an administration that cares - and is aware of - what’s going on elsewhere.
JB, I’ll put it to you this way, I think a big shift in Chicago’s institutional thinking is this. In the past, it was “we don’t care what anyone else does. We’re Chicago.” Now it’s “we’re aware - and track - what our peers are doing, and what’s going on. We make changes in accordance to this.” (see: trott, business econ, Institute of Politics, expanding metcalf internships, building an arts center, heeding the McKinsey report to over ivy league-like experiences, etc.)
Can you imagine what Chicago’s 2020 leadership would think if their incoming classes - still in the top 15-20 in the nation - had 75% graduation rates? The alarms would sound. People would worry about drops in rankings, and think of ways to improve fast. Action would be taken. In 1990, these rates were met with a general shrug. We’re Chicago, this is hard, and if people drop out, so be it.
So, that’s my contention. I just don’t think that going from #16 in incoming class strength to #2 (or whatever) explains the huge jump in retention and graduation. The #2 class might do better academically, but you’d think a class that’s #16 in strength (in the entire country!) would have the wherewithal to graduate.