DBQ help

themoonisdown · October 16, 2007, 2:54pm

I’m having a difficult time deciphering the meaning of some of these documents. If anyone would be so kind as to help me out with the task, it would save me a long while of just looking at the paper in a confused and hazy stare. Thank you SO much for any help that’s provided!

QUESTION 
As America took her place among the other nations of the world between 1793-1825, she had to deal with many new foreign policy issues. Throughout these early years however, the United States did not have a coherent, focused, strategic foreign policy. Analyze this statement and the evolution of American foreign policy in the period 1793-1825.

DOCUMENT A
Whereas it appears that a state of war exists between Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Great Britain, and the United Netherlands, of the one part, and France on the other; and the duty and interest of the United States require, that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial toward the belligerent Powers; I have therefore thought fit by these presents to declare the disposition of the United States to observe the conduct aforesaid towards those Powers respectfully; and to exhort and warn the citizens of the United States carefully to avoid all acts and proceedings whatsoever, which may in any manner tend to contravene such disposition.
George Washington  Proclamation of Neutrality, 1793

DOCUMENT B
Dear Sir: The returned draught of a letter to Mr. Gouvr. Morris accords with my sentiments. Taking it for granted, that the words “We suppose this will rather overpay the instalments and interest due on the loans
of 18.6 and 10 Millions,” mean all that could be demanded by the French Government to the dose of last year. This being the idea I have entertained of the payments, and engagements to pay.
If it has not been done in a former letter, it would be agreeable to me, that Mr. Morris should be instructed to neglect no favorable opportunity of expressing informally the sentiments and wishes of this Country
respecting the M. de la Fayette. And I pray you to commit to paper, in answer to the enclosed letter from Madame de la Fayette to me, all the consolation I can with propriety give her consistent with my public character and the National policy; circumstanced as things are. My last,
and only letter to her is herewith sent, that you may see what has been written heretofore…
XYZ Affair  George Washington To Jefferson , Philadelphia, March 13, 1

DOCUMENT C

Upon the whole I conclude That the treaties are still binding, notwithstanding the change of government in France: that no part of them, but the clause of guarantee, holds up danger, even at a distance. And consequently that a liberation from no other part could be proposed in any case: that if that clause may ever bring danger, it is neither extreme, nor imminent, nor even probable: that the authority for renouncing a treaty, when useless or disagreeable, is either misunderstood, or in opposition to itself, to all their writers, & to every moral feeling: that were it not so, these treaties are in fact neither useless nor disagreeable.
Opinion on the French Treaties  April 28, 1793

DOCUMENT D

ARTICLE 1.
There shall be a firm inviolable and universal Peace, and a true and sincere Friendship between His Britannick Majesty, His Heirs and Successors, and the United States of America; and between their respective Countries, Territories, Cities, Towns and People of every Degree, without Exception of Persons or Places.

ARTICLE 2.
His Majesty will withdraw all His Troops and Garrisons from all Posts and Places within the Boundary Lines assigned by the Treaty of Peace to the United States. This Evacuation shall take place on or before the
first Day of June One thousand seven hundred and ninety six, and all the proper Measures shall in the interval be taken by concert between the Government of the United States, and His Majesty’s Governor General in America, for settling the previous arrangements which may be necessary
respecting the delivery of the said Posts: The United States in the mean Time at Their discretion extending their settlements to any part within the said boundary line, except within the precincts or Jurisdiction of
any of the said Posts.
GREAT BRITAIN: NOVEMBER 19, 1794  The Jay Treaty

DOCUMENT E
An Act to enable the President of the United States to take possession of the territories ceded by France to the United States, by the treaty concluded at Paris, on the thirtieth of April last; and for the temporary government thereof.

<pre><code> Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized to take possession of, and occupy the territory ceded by France to the United States, by the treaty concluded at Paris, on the thirtieth day of April last, between the two nations; and that he may for that purpose, and in order to maintain in the said territories the authority of the United States, employ any part of the army and navy of the United States, and of the force authorized by an act passed the third day of March last, intituled “An act directing a detachment from the militia of the United States, and for erecting certain arsenals,” which he may deem necessary: and so much of
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the sum appropriated by the said act as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated for the purpose of carrying this act into effect; to be applied under the direction of the President of the United States.
Authority Given to the President  to Take Possession of the  Territory of Louisiana 1803

DOCUMENT F

Over and above these unjust pretensions of the British Government, for many years past they have been in the practice of impressing our seamen, from merchant vessels; this unjust and lawless invasion of personal liberty, calls loudly for the interposition of this Government. My mind is irresistibly drawn to the West.
It cannot be believed by any man who will reflect, that the savage tribes, uninfluenced by other Powers, would think of making war on the United States. They understand too well their own weakness, and our strength. In only one way; some powerful nation must have intrigued with them, and turned their peaceful disposition toward us into hostilities. Great Britain alone has intercourse with those Northern tribes; I therefore infer, that if British gold has not been employed, their baubles and trinkets, and the promise of support and a place of refuge if necessary, have had their effect.
Felix Grundy, Speech in the U.S. House of Representatives December 9, 1811

DOCUMENT G
Sir, if you go to war it will not be for the protection of, of defence of your maritime rights. Agrarian cupidity, not maritime right, urges the war. Ever since the report of the Committee on Foreign Relations came into the House, we have heard but one word-- like the whip-poor-will, but one eternal monotonous tone-- Canada! Canada! Canada!It is to acquire a prepondering nothern influence, that you are the launch into war.
John Randolph, Speech in the House of Representatives, December 16, 1811

DOCUMENT H

The Bombardment of Fort McHenry,September 1814

DOCUMENT I

British cruisers have been in the continued practice of violating the American flag on the great highway of nations, and of seizing and carrying off persons sailing under it, not in the exercise of a belligerent right founded on the law of nations against an enemy
Against this crying enormity, which Great Britain would be so prompt to avenge if committed against herself, the United States have in vain exhausted remonstrances and expostulationsThe communication passed without effect.
To the most insulting pretensions they have added the most lawless proceedings in our very harbors, and have wantonly split American blood within the sanctuary of our territorial jurisdiction
Such is the spectacle of injuries and indignities which have been heaped on our country, and such the crisis which its unexampled forbearance and conciliatory efforts have not been able to avert.
James Madison  War Message to Congress June 1, 1812

DOCUMENT J
In the discussion to which this interest [Russia’s on the northwest coast] has given rise, the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are
henceforth not to be considered as subjects for the future colonization by any European powers… The political system of the Allied Powers [Holy Alliance] is essentially
different…from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their prospective [monarchical] governments; and to the defence of our own…this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any
attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power, we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the governments [of Spanish America] who have declared their independence and maintained
it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States…
PRESIDENT MONROE–1823

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