<a href=“http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn...110101644.html[/url]”>http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn...110101644.html</a></p>
<p>how much sympathy will victims of “clean” torture get from the public?</p>
<p>How long will it take before these techniques are used on US soil?
<a href=“http://www.slate.com/id/2152268/[/url]”>http://www.slate.com/id/2152268/</a></p>
<p>Quote:
It is only a matter of time before new rot sets into the U.S. military, thanks to the new MCA. This is inevitable when you codify a two-track interrogation system. In the 1970s, the Brazilian military had a similar two-track system, and the state had to eliminate its torturers in order to preserve itself. As Brazilian journalist Elio Gaspari observed at the time: “Unless everyone in the army participates in torture, you very quickly develop two kinds of soldiers.” He called them “the combatants,” who fight the terrorists with torture, and the “bureaucrats,” who are committed to preserving the military’s everyday functioning and discipline. In Brazil, the day came when the combatant-torturers refused to accept the orders of the bureaucrats and regarded with contempt their peers who were committed to army discipline. The generals eventually concluded that “[t]he torturers were going to have to be isolated, marginalized and eliminated, so as to save the Army.”</p>
<p>And this corruption will not be limited to the military. Two-track interrogation systems have similar corrupting influences in domestic policing, particularly as former interrogators and MPs seek jobs as police officers after being decommissioned. The military tortures in the Franco-Algerian War soon seeped into French policing in the 1960s. And in the United States, this kind of slippage has happened twice: initially, as the water tortures of the Spanish-American War began appearing in police stations in the 1920s, and again as electrical techniques used during the Vietnam War appeared in Chicago policing in the 1970s. These torturers-turned-policemen-turned-torturers were especially attracted to techniques that were clean, and there is every reason to believe that the clean techniques now approved in the Iraq war will, sooner or later, appear in a neighborhood near you.</p>
<p>Is this what we want?</p>
<p>Quote:
The Mayor of Cincinnati proposes to arm police with tasers and stun guns. He believes if police had such weapons, they would have detained Nathaniel Jones without causing his death. Instead, TV audiences across the country saw police clubbing Jones on the squad car video camera.</p>
<p>But before Cincinnati turns to stun guns and tasers, we should ask in whose interest it would be to have violence that cannot be easily seen or documented, no matter how nonlethal it is.
We may be outraged by violence we can see, but how likely is it that we will get outraged about violence that may or may not leave traces, violence that we can hardly be sure took place at all? A victim with scars to show to the media will get sympathy or at least attention, but victims without scars do not have much to authorize their complaints to a skeptical public. A trial can focus on the specific damages of a beating - where did the blows allegedly fall? Were the strikes professional, necessary or neither? - but what precisely can a trial focus on with electric shocks that leave few marks?</p>
<p>Let me remind you of a different event.</p>
<p>On March 3, 1991, police pulled over Rodney King and two other passengers in Los Angeles. Most Americans saw how that incident ended.</p>
<p>LAPD officers beat King senseless with metal batons. Many will remember that police fractured King’s face and legs. But how many remember how many times police fired electric stun weapons at King during the incident? And how many can say how much shock passed through King’s body as he lay on the ground?</p>
<p>From the start, the King incident was about the sudden remarkable visibility of police violence captured, by happenstance, on amateur video. The Christopher Commission observed that without the video, it is doubtful there would have been an investigation.
…</p>
<p>What would the police camera have shown if the police had used stun weapons on Nathaniel Jones instead of clubs? Nothing, perhaps; out of sight is out of mind. Niccolo Machiavelli once advised princes to use stealthy violence because people will get less alarmed. He said, “in general, men judge more by sight than by touch. Everyone sees what is happening but not everyone feels its consequences.” Before American citizens let princes decide for them, they better think about the consequences of using violence they can’t see.
<a href=“http://www.collegenews.org/x3015.xml[/url]”>http://www.collegenews.org/x3015.xml</a>